巨大的政治變遷常發軔於最渺小的疑慮。這樣的疑慮正開始浮現於美國總統大選。希拉蕊‧柯林頓(Hillary Clinton)正表示，自由貿易也許畢竟沒那麼好，這標誌著全球化之終的響鈴嗎？
事實上，美國次級房貸風暴對台股或台灣資本市場的影響，會遠高於金管會的預估數；在金融國際化與財務工程包裝的因素下，我們無法精確預估風暴的影響數。次級房貸風暴會對全球資本市場產生重大波動，代表台灣正處於不甚穩定的資本市場環境，進而會產生投資者的信心危機，這才是我們要擔心的重點。 其實，從種種跡象來看，美國次級房貸風暴或許只是短期性資金鏈斷裂所產生的問題，一些高風險，或風險承受力較低的金融機構將被淘汰出局，全球資本市場會因為這次風暴的結果，產生更健全的市場結構；我們不希望這次風暴重擊全球中長期資本市場的發展。我們預估，短期內台股會依照全球股市的波動而波動，投資者仍需嚴格控管投資風險。
針對中國透過學者放話，揚言拋售美元資產讓美元崩盤，以報復華府施壓人民幣升值。美國總統布希8日接受訪問時說，中國政府若真這麼做，就是「有勇無謀」，財長鮑爾森也說，這將會是荒謬愚蠢的做法。
英國《金融時報》指出，歐洲地區的股市市值從第一次世界大戰結束以來，今年四月首度超越美國，這顯示美國經濟獨霸全球的情況正在改觀。絕對策略研究公司（Absolute Strategy Research）分析師哈奈特認為，這個數據顯示金融市場已出現「震央轉移」的徵兆。他說：「很多人一直認為這永遠不可能發生，美國會一直領先；但歐洲現在追上來了。」
The wailing about how the Iraqis are not up to it is not an unfamiliar one from conquerors. Right now, some very interesting work is being done by a former Russian soldier in Afghanistan, on the coverage of the Afghan invasion and occupation in the Soviet press. Very familiar, including distress that the Afghans are just not up to it and have to be held accountable. Colonial administrators, slave masters, and others like them constantly express great irritation at the shiftlessness and irresponsibility of their wards, not properly following commands -- issued for their benefit, of course. How can we help the Iraqi people? By putting them in charge, and doing what they instruct us to do -- which, judging by US-run polls, would mean getting out pretty quickly. And though the question cannot be included in US-run polls for doctrinal reasons, I don't think it is hard to guess how Iraqis would respond if asked whether we ought to pay enormous reparations for crimes of the past half century, including strong US support for Saddam through his worst atrocities, horrendous sanctions that destroyed much of the society, and finally an invasion and occupation which brought about a catastrophe that they compare to the Mongol invasions.
Public opinion was also sampled in 1969. About 70% held that the war was not "a mistake" but was "fundamentally wrong and immoral," a position virtually inexpressible in the mainstream. That persists. Public opinion remained about the same until the most recent polls by the same major polling institution, the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, 30 years later. And the position remained (and remains) virtually inexpressible in the mainstream. Consistent results over 30 years have considerable credibility. What do the results mean? The director of the study, a respected political scientist, interpreted the results as meaning that respondents felt that too many Americans were being killed. Possible, but not an obvious interpretation. On that assumption, for example, why did the vast majority hold that the war was not a mistake? Another possibility is that people meant just what they said, and that it cannot be comprehended within the elite intellectual culture. It would have been easy enough to find out through the 30 years of polling on these matters, but no attempt was made, to my knowledge. Polls are of great value, and tell us a lot. Particularly when attitudes are consistent and coherent over long periods, as they typically are; a valuable study on this is Benjamin Page and Marshall Bouton, The Foreign Policy Disconnect (2006). But they always have to be used with caution, particularly when results appear internally contradictory or otherwise obscure.
Noam Chomsky 關於民調的分析看法。
The legislation would work like this: The board would have to identify companies that meet the bill's criteria for supporting Iran or Sudan within 90 days, and inform them that the state may sell their stock, if they don't change business practices. If they stick to the status quo, the board must sell off the stock within a year. For mutual and hedge funds that hold the targeted companies, the board would only be required to urge the funds to divest themselves of those firms.
根據SocialFunds.com，加拿大道德基金資產規模，今年三月底突破五千億加幣，比二○○四年底的六五五億加幣足足成長九倍。「道德基金」快速成長最主要原因，可能與全球暖化問題有關，因為許多標榜投資清潔能源與代替能源的綠色基金如雨後春筍般成立。
美國商學院的MBA課程，也逐漸加重企業社會責任的課程。在2001年，只有34%的學校，要求學生至少修習一門企業倫理或企業社會責任的課程；到2003年，已有45%的學校做同樣的要求。主張股東優先論的Henry Hansmann和Reinier Kraakman也認為，公司經營者在道德規範及社會壓力之下，即使沒有法律的強制，亦須兼顧利害關係人的利益。這種情形，既反映社會大眾對公司社會責任的重視，也顯示實踐社會責任，符合公司的長期發展策略。
While China finished behind Germany and the United States in total exports for the full year, it overtook the United States in the last six months of 2006 and will almost certainly finish above the U.S. in the 2007 totals. At current growth rates, China is projected to overtake Germany as the world's biggest exporter in 2008.
就如同40%登陸投資上限政策也無法阻擋台灣的資金外流一樣，DRM 對於 MP3 Piracy，也是毫無用武之地。 幸好終於有家大廠想通了 - EMI, Apple To Sell DRM-Free Music for $1.29/song EMI 將與 Apple 共同開始販售無 DRM 限制的音樂了。
Lastly, Herschensohn addresses of the policies of obstructionism and delay both the United States and other parties use in dealing with the "China issue." For the United States, this is a matter of pragmatism. In reacting to situations that arise between China and Taiwan, the author attempts to show that the State Department is intentionally vague by quoting the department spokesperson, who appears to dance around direct questions, or at least postpone answering them. In general, this entire section seems to make the claim that the United States, Taiwan, the DPP and the KMT try to ignore problems, hoping they will eventually go away.
他警告說："除非中國加快（人民幣匯率機制的）改革步伐，國際社會將會失去耐心。" 華盛頓認為人民幣兌美元匯率不僅被低估了，而且造成了美國製造業職位的急劇減少。 參議院銀行委員會主席、民主黨議員多德表示，"自2001年以來，300多萬製造業職位已不復存在。這是自大蕭條時代以來就業機會減少最厲害、也最嚴重的一次。"
其實一杯公平貿易咖啡並不需比一杯一般咖啡貴這麼多 雖然公平貿易咖啡有保証收購價格， 但是原料成本占這杯咖啡價格的比率太少了， 會有「差別定價」乃是因為顧客是有差別的， 差別不在於你有沒有錢，而是在 你願不願意花這筆錢。
當Wal-Mart決定將美國的消費模式（每天最低價來刺激消費）複製到海外各地，他為了市場還是改變了既有的策略。而且由墨西哥的經營經驗，發現這種掛羊頭賣狗肉的手法，既可維持既有的消費群，也可藉機觀察當地的消費模式，慢慢的將美國的經營方式與當地結合，形成新的零售業變形蟲。
這家位於山景市的搜尋引擎龍頭公司對政治越來越積極，應該跟這幾年一直在國會山莊吃癟有關。例如，想推動網路中立性（Network neutrality）、阻止ISP業者依照付費等級而提供不同服務的努力，遭到失敗。2004年又因為與中國政府合作，把搜尋結果中的敏感內容篩選掉，因而在國會受到強大的批評，甚至被類比為納粹政權的合作者
以保守道德觀來遮掩經濟剝削的企業文化/政治論述終究是虛妄的。許多反對沃爾瑪進駐的社區人士是支持共和黨的。更明顯的例子是沃爾瑪正面臨一樁美國有史以來控告私人企業就業環境歧視的最大訴訟：六個女性員工代表了從1998年曾經或仍然在沃爾瑪工作過的上百萬女性控訴沃爾瑪性別歧視。但這六個原告的女性中大部分是基督教基本教義派，是保守的共和黨支持者。他們原本相信沃爾瑪是道德的、具有基督教精神的企業，只要他們辛勤工作就會有回報。但是，他們最終發現他們被背叛了。 2000年與2004年的兩場總統選舉都失敗後，民主黨還在尋找他們的路線。有人認為應該跟共和黨搶奪選票，更強調傳統價值與國家安全，有人則認為應該更強調經濟民粹主義、強調勞工和弱勢權益。對兩這個選項來說，沒有比沃爾瑪更具象徵意義的。
名教科書作者Greg Mankiw也跳進來表示支持Samwick，說 Policy choices such as tax rates and minimum wages have not been the main causes of increasing inequality. At least that is the consensus, as I understand it, of the professional labor economists who study the issue... 但對於這個所謂共識的宣稱，Delong反對，並提供相關研究。
政府說經濟好轉，可是工人的薪資事實上是落後於通貨膨脹，福利也變差。他說，政治是重要因素之一：因為「過去二十五世紀來工人的談判權力被有系統地削弱」。
第87號提案將在未來10年對鑽油行為課徵40億美元稅收，其中60％將用來補助乙醇補充站等環保事業的設立。推動這項提案的昇陽公司共同創辦人兼創業投資家Vinod Khosla，已經成立一家專門投資替代能源的公司。 根據該提案，另外30％新增稅收將提供大學院校作為教育和研究。剩下10％則用在計畫執行和其他支出。加州政府將成立一個九人單位Energy Alternatives Program Authority（替代能源計畫管理局），負責監督經費的使用。加州聯邦參議員Dianne Feinstein和民間團體獅子會均為該提案背書。公投日期訂在11月7日。 官方補助一直是替代能源產業不可缺少的一部份。然而，政府通常不會直接提供創業家資金，而是採取消費者補助的形式，如太陽能板。業者間接受惠於法案。
